As part of the program Regional Initiative for combating disinformation “Western Balkans Combatting disinformation Center: Exposing malicious influences through fact-checking and Analytical Journalism“, we present you a new analysis of fake news and disinformation narratives.
Ten facts the West must understand before talking to Putin
https://lat.rt.rs/rusija/113443-10-cinjenica-za-zapad/
In recent months, diplomatic circles, as well as the wider international public, have seen discussions about starting various formats of negotiations between Ukraine and Russia, which would include Western countries, primarily the United States. Proposals for potential peace negotiations are on the table, as the political will among all interested actors for certain compromises seems to have been renewed.
The past week was marked by the presentation of the so-called peace plan by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, first to Western partners and then to the Ukrainian public. Russia initially rejected the plan as maximalist and escalatory, but even through channels close to the official Kremlin, proposals about Russian starting points in possible negotiations, as well as “messages” and “advice” to the West about understanding Russia and its interests are circulating.
An illustrative text by Konstantin Remchukov, editor-in-chief of the newspaper “Nezavisna Gazeta” and a former member of the Russian Duma, was reported to the domestic public by Russia Today under the title ” Ten facts the West must understand before talking to Putin.”
The text concludes with a central question about the future of the international order that would ensure equal security for all states, which is relevant both for Western countries and those in the East. He emphasizes that, from the Russian perspective, “the task of ensuring the security of the country and the protection of Russians and Russian speakers in Ukraine is the main existential factor.”
Remchukov continues by asserting that “the special military operation, sanctions, and the radical transformation of the Russian economy have made it clear that the claim…that Russia’s greatness rests on its unity with Ukraine is not true.” He contrasts this claim with the conventional understanding of part of the American establishment that follows the Zbigniew Brzezinski Doctrine, articulated by the former US national security adviser and influential foreign policy maker. On the other hand, he indicates that “the Russian economy will strengthen and the pace of development will be sufficient to meet the challenges it faces,” implying that this is a necessary element for the West to consider if it tries to impose solutions on Russia.
In the context of the West’s (and Ukraine’s) potential negotiations with Vladimir Putin, the author underscores that the Russian president “makes all fundamentally important decisions himself” and that “he will not hand over power to anyone before the issue of the security of Russia and Russians is finally resolved and internationally guaranteed,” emphasizing his alleged “sense of historical responsibility.”
Finally, referring to the goals of the Russian war against Ukraine, or “special military operations” as Russia designates them, Remchukov reiterates that “the situation on the ground shows that the main goal of Russian troops is to reach the administrative borders of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions and ensure a land connection with Crimea.” He acknowledges that “in recent months there has been a clear change in the Russian leadership’s assessment of the nature of Ukrainian statehood, which is the main difference compared to February 2022,” noting that “in this way, the Kremlin now recognizes the state of Ukraine.”
The presented facts outline the view from circles close to the Kremlin regarding potential negotiations, factors affecting Russia’s position, and revised goals in relation to Ukraine, but they ignore the perspectives of other parties and Russia’s inability to exclusively dictate its terms in the negotiation process.
Author: Igor Mirosavljević
